By Dr Shahid Qureshi: –
The whole drama of International Court of Justice was cooked many months ago, even before his sentencing probably sometimes in March 2017. The treachery of Nawaz Sharif and his regime will always be remembered with the Mir Jafar and Mir Sadiq. I believe the highest agency of Pakistan has all audio and video evidence of Nawaz Sharif’s meetings with the Indians from Dehru Bhai Ambani to Sajan Jandal.
Both Dehrubhai Ambani and Sajan Jandal were never back door diplomacy envoys but business associates of Nawaz Sharif and messengers of Prime Minister Vajpay and Prime Minister Narandera Modi. Back door diplomacy envoys never ever meet the prime ministers or government officials, they meet same people like them, unknown to the public. This is called back door diplomacy.
Nawaz Sharif and his book keeper Ishaq Dar often seen walking down to the RAW run apartments in London. Well this monster is created and nurtured by the establishment but as usual he turned to his own creator and country. This monster has gone way out of your reach and apparently now sitting in the enemy’s lap and sticking two fingers at you – The GHQ.
What you going to do about it, and what are you doing about it now? London is the command centre of Nawaz Sharif where all the wealth and kids are. I am sure he cannot move without the wink of the local establishment. So now he has got his both neck and legs in the trap. In other words, the ‘asset’ is like a half-way house ‘whore’ now – infected and contagious and yet you allowed him to establish RAW network in Pakistan?
It was his son Hasan Nawaz who wrote a letter to Indian defence minister George Fernandez asking for help release of his father during General Pervez Musharraf Government. Actually, I was talking to him on that day when his father was being released. Hussain Nawaz’s brother in a lawyer was keeping me updated in those days. I knew Hamza Shabaz, Hussain Nawaz as my juniors in Government College. They were regular GC students as everybody else. They were at initial stages of politics.
Pakistan is one of those great countries in the world, which has survived many setbacks in last 70 years because of the poor and faithful soldiers of the land and not because of the Oxford, Cambridge and Harvard educated rich and famous.
Late Majeed Nizami editor of the Nawa-e-waqat a closest ally of Nawaz Sharif had to remark that they used to regard Benazir Bhutto as a ‘security risk’, it seemed Nawaz Sharif was a greater security risk. He was indeed the worst thing that had happened to Pakistan since independence. Whether it was money, morals or security, the nation found it difficult to trust him. It is interesting that while Pakistani soldiers and Kashmiri freedom fighters were battling against the Indian army on the freezing heights of Kargil, Nawaz Sharif’s business proxies were selling sugar to India. India did not need to import any sugar and yet if Vajipayee had accepted to buy Pakistani sugar it was only to sweeten his relationship with Nawaz Sharif.
In 1981, the family business group Ittefaq’s turnover was Rs 337 million, but by 1987 it had soared to at least Rs 2,500 million, that is according to the group’s own accounts. Within four years Ittefaq had become one of the wealthiest private industrial groups in Pakistan.
This is not meant to be a dossier on Nawaz Sharif’s wheeling and dealing, but it is about the implication of his wheeling and dealing for national security. Dhirubhai Ambani (late) was one of India’s top magnets. He had set up a big oil refinery in Jamnagar, but what bothered him was the very high premium demanded by the British insurance company. The insurance company said the refinery was only 130 km from Pakistan, which may be in the event of an India-Pakistan war, the first bombing target, but they might consider reducing the premium if Ambani brought a ‘certificate’ from Pakistan that it would not attack the refinery in case of a war with India.
In March 1999 Nawaz Sharif had received at his London flat and Indian editor, R K Mishra, accompanied by a famous Bombay film star (may be Amitabh Bachan). Mishra chaired the Ambani group of Observer newspapers and Amabani reported to ‘control’ eight ministers in the Vajpayee government at the time and late Mr Ambani known to have visited Nawaz Sharif as Vajpayee’s emissary during and after the Kargil crisis.
In September 1999, Pakistan High Commission in London issued him a multi-entry visa. In any event, whatever else went on during these visits Ambani got the ‘certificate’ and the insurance company drastically reduced the premium had demanded.
This writer met Syed Mushahid Husain in London asked about this Ambani gate scandal. Nawaz Sharif’s information minister denied point blank and said even Musharraf government did not make that allegation against Nawaz Sahrif.
The Jamnager refinery was just one instance, where the dismissed and exiled prime minister’s business interests impinged on national security and which were reported in the press. I said in a live program on Al-Jazeera in London on 25th December 2015.
See Al-Jazeera Program Video below:
It is highly significant that when the Kargil crisis broke out both George Fernandez and K S Sudarshan, the former a socialist and India’s defence minister and the later leader of BJP militant wing RSS themselves exculpate Nawaz Sharif of any blame.
If the Indians were trying to protect Nawaz Sharif, they must have had very good reasons to do so, but Nawaz Sharif himself had no qualms in putting himself under the total protection of Washington. The rise and fall of Nawaz Sharif provides a good reason for his immediate as well as future successors, that they should also use common sense and not just intelligence.
Gen Aslam Beg retired from army because Nawaz Sharif felt inferior before him and don’t want to extend his tenure. But he ended up accepting someone who is far more difficult than Aslam Beg, General Asif Nawaz Junjua. His father invited General Asif Nawaz to his Lahore residence. After a fatherly ‘tête-à-tête’, Abbaji told the new army chief that he was like his son and requested him to take his two sons Nawaz and Shabaz under his wings: and also told the ‘children’ that they must follow and never disregard the General Sahib’s advice. And one last thing Abbaji said to the General Sahib, as he came to see him out off at the porch of his house, ‘my both children have a Mercedes each, and here is the key to yours; you are like a son to me.’ Words to that effect.
Nawaz Sharief’s moto was that: ‘he could buy any general if he sent his wife on a day trip to Karachi’. It didn’t work with General Asif Nawaz, as he felt offended and therefore, instead of being able to buy the General, Nawaz Sharif had instead lost his respect too.
When President Ghulam Ishaq Khan dismissed Benazir Buhtto ‘a security risk’ the ground of corruption and mal-administration. It was now Nawaz Sharif’s turn by common acclaim, ‘the lesser evil’ even though the establishment was not too keen to have him as prime minister. Instead the establishment preferred Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi who had briefly acted as caretaker prime minister after the dismissal of Bhutto.
What clinched the appointment for Nawaz Sharif was a word to the presidency by the then ISI chief Lt. Gen Hamid Gull, that the army believed he was a better choice. General Hamid Gull now regrets his misjudgement. Subsequently the President also dismissed him. Nawaz Sharif’s problem was power: a pathological crass compounded by crass incompetence.
General Aslam Beg told a friend that: ‘they had chosen Nawaz Sharif in preference to Ghulam Mutafa Jatoi because Jatoi said have a dozen or so ‘girl friends’ and it was difficult to reach him after he had retired for drink after 9 pm. Nawaz Sharif was no less romantic he asks his women to sing over the telephone for him. He doesn’t drink but he doesn’t dispose the files either. But Jaoti never sat over files.
Nawaz Sharif also seemed to an ungrateful person. He did not feel any obligation towards president Ghulam Ishaq Khan, nor did he ever say, ‘thank you’ to General Hamid Gull’.
(Dr Shahid Qureshi is senior analyst with BBC and chief editor of The London Post. He writes on security, terrorism and foreign policy. He also appears as analyst on Al-Jazeera, Press TV, MBC, Kazak TV (Kazakhstan), LBC Radio London. He was also international election observer for Kazakhstan 2015 and 2016 and Pakistan 2002. He has written a famous book “War on Terror and Siege of Pakistan” published in 2009. He wrote his MA thesis on ‘Political Thought of Imam Khomeini’ and visited Tehran University. He is PhD in ‘Political Psychology’ also studied Law at a British University. He also speaks at Cambridge University)
Views expressed are not of The London Post.